Tuesday, February 22, 2022

BULLETIN OF THE ATOMIC SCIENTISTS CALLS FOR ESCALATING US AGGRESSION AGAINST RUSSIA

 



Previously Posted by  | Feb 17, 2022 in MLT

Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists Calls for Escalating US Aggression against Russia | MLToday


The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists emerged after World War II as a voice for peace by some of the scientists who developed the then ultimate weapon of mass destruction. Now, its mission has drifted into being an echo chamber for the US imperial project urging President Biden to take even more destabilizing actions against Russia.

Dropping the A-bombs

By the time that the scientists at the top-secret Manhattan Project had developed the atomic bomb and the US military had worked out the logistics for deploying it, World War II was for all intents and purposes over. By early May 1945, Germany had unconditionally surrendered; in large part due to the efforts of the Red Army defeating the Nazi Wehrmacht, but at the horrific cost of 27,000,000 Soviet lives. The Japanese too had been defeated militarily and had agreed to “unconditional surrender” with the one caveat that Emperor Hirohito be spared.

So, the world’s emerging hegemon had a problem. It had the ultimate weapon to impose its policy of world domination (i.e., today’s official US national security doctrine of global “full spectrum dominance”). But what good is this ultimate weapon if it is a secret? And, even if known, would the world believe that the US has the will to unleash such a destructive force?

President Truman had the solution – nuke Japan. All the military targets in Japan had been destroyed, but an even stronger message of the US’s determination to enforce imperial hegemony was made by annihilating the civilian cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in August 1945.

The Japanese promptly surrendered, offering up the life of their emperor. The US accepted, but did not execute the emperor, who was more useful alive than dead. Besides, the leniency gesture reinforced the message that the US would capriciously bomb at will. Even when President Obama visited Hiroshima in 2016, he pointedly offered “no apology” for the destruction his country had wrought.

Dawn of the Cold War

The quick Japanese surrender in August 1945 had another cause, which many modern historians consider more overriding than the US bombs. The Soviets, engaged with their western front, had remained neutral in the war with Japan, but had promised the Allies to join the war effort against Japan once the Germans were defeated. At the same time the US dropped the bombs, the USSR declared war with Japan causing Tokyo to capitulate.

The dropping of the atomic bombs was the first salvo of the Cold War, signifying the end of the US wartime alliance of convenience with the Soviet Union. Truman’s rush to nuke Japan had the dual advantage of making known his “hammer” over the Kremlin as well as denying the USSR time to advance east and have a seat in the surrender agreement with Japan. The Soviets had not developed atomic weapons on the assumption – which proved to be essentially correct – that World War II would be over before they could be deployed to defeat the Axis powers.

In the immediate post-war period, the Soviets and their allies were existentially threatened by the unambiguous intention of the US and its allies to destroy them. As a defensive measure, the Soviet Union had no choice but to develop a deterrent nuclear force, testing its first atomic bomb in 1949.

Although the Soviets pledged to use their nuclear arsenal only in defense and renounced “first strike,” the US didn’t. Soon the Cold War arms race threatened the planet with destruction. The emergent construct of MAD (Mutually Assured Destruction) was a fragile arrangement for the future of humanity.

Emergence of the Bulletin by scientists for peace

Voices of peace arose from the very inventers of the atomic bomb. Immediately after the destructive power of the atom was rained on Japan and even before the Soviet Union developed their deterrent force, former Manhattan Project scientists Eugene Rabinowitch and Hyman Goldsmith founded the Educational Foundation for Nuclear Science, subsequently renamed the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists.

Other notables associated with the Bulletin were nuclear physicist Hans Bethe, Soviet space scientist Anatoli Blagonravov, Jewish-German émigré and developer of quantum mechanics Max Born, physicist “father of the atomic bomb” turned anti-nuclear proliferation activist J. Robert Oppenheimer, British polymath peace activist Bertrand Russell, Soviet physicist Nikolay Semyonov, and Albert Einstein.

The Bulletin’s Doomsday Clock, unveiled in 1947, was set at seven minutes to midnight. The clock was intended as an educational tool to serve “as a vivid symbol of these multiplying perils, its hands showing how close to extinction we are.”

The Pugwash Conferences, an effort at peace in the early part of the Cold War, were an outgrowth of the Bulletin in its formative years in the 1950s.

Mission drift at the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists

Today, the risk of nuclear annihilation, not to mention global warming and other threats, has never been greater, according to the Bulletin’s Doomsday Clock. But the Bulletin has morphed from an advocate for peace and against other threats to humanity to something else.

From an organization run by scientists, the current governing board of the Bulletin has hardly a scientist in sight. Its president and CEO is Rachel Bronson, a political scientist who came out of the US security establishment NGO world, including the Council on Foreign Relations (Wall Street’s think tank) and the Center for Strategic and International Studies (ranked the top military think tank in the world). Its chair, David Kuhlman, is a corporate consultant specializing in helping “clients identify pathways to profitable growth.” Its secretary, Steve Ramsey, formerly worked for defense contractor General Electric. Former Secretary of State and accused war criminal Madeleine Albright does promotionals for the Bulletin.

The Bulletin maintains a liberal façade and still publishes articles that contribute to peace and environmentalism. In that way, its role in collusion with the US imperial project is insidious, because the patina of peace is used to legitimize its mission drift.

Fanning the flames of anti-Chinese sentiment, the Bulletin promotes the conspiracy theory that the Chinese artificially developed COVID-19, featuring journalist Nicholas Wade’s “How COVID-19’s origins were obscured, by the East and the West.” However, scientific evidence points to natural origins of the virus. Anti-Russian sentiment is promoted with journalist Matt Field’s “Russian media spreading disinformation about US bioweapons as troops mass near Ukraine.” Where are the scientists advocating for peace?

The Bulletin covers the Ukraine crisis

Another case in point of its devolution is the article “How to mix sanctions and diplomacy to avert disaster in Ukraine,” published in the Bulletin on February 1. The article advocates for sanctions that would “severely and quickly devastate Russia’s powerful energy export sector.” Echoing Washington’s talking points, the article couches its recommendations as responding to Russian aggression but actually proposes nothing to de-escalate the conflict.

It is beyond ironic that an organization that purports to be warning against the dangers of nuclear holocaust is making a full-throated defense of an even more aggressive posture by one of the world’s leading nuclear powers.

Yes, the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientist’s Doomsday Clock is now 100 seconds to midnight, and they are trying to push it closer to Armageddon.

The view of the Bulletin’s Ukraine article is that the current crisis is Putin’s “own making.” In contrast, the article explains that the US has diplomatically “initiated” talks with Russia. There is no mention of the forward deployment of US troops or sending lethal aid to Ukraine. There is no recognition of aggressive actions by NATO such as stationing assault ABM missile systems in Romania and possibly Poland. Off limits is allusion to the US shredding the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty.

Hidden from sight in the aforementioned article and another published the same day on “How the demise of an arms control treaty foreshadowed Russia’s aggression against Ukraine” is the US-orchestrated Ukraine coup in 2014 that installed an anti-Russian regime there. The latter article’s meticulously detailed history of the region notes “Moscow invaded and annexed the Ukrainian territory of Crimea,” but not the coup that precipitated it.

Reasonable peace proposals

There is not a word in these articles of how some of the Russian initiatives might prevent hostilities and make the region more secure with a reduced likelihood of war. And certainly, there is none of the following reasonable peace proposals:

+Russia and the US shall not use the territory of other countries to prepare or conduct attacks against the other.

+Neither party shall deploy short- or intermediate-range missiles abroad or in areas where these weapons could reach targets inside the other’s territory.

+Neither party shall deploy nuclear weapons abroad, and any such weapons already deployed must be returned.

+Both parties shall eliminate any infrastructure for deploying nuclear weapons outside their own territories.

+Neither party shall conduct military exercises with scenarios involving the use of nuclear weapons.

+Neither party shall train military or civilian personnel from non-nuclear countries to use nuclear weapons.

The above peace measures are what in fact Russia proposed, but are considered “non-starters” by the US and presumably by the Bulletin.

Citing the Atlantic Council, the US-based think tank for NATO, the Bulletin explains that the sanctions that they are advocating would cause the Russian economy to “experience significant chaos.” These sanctions that the Bulletin calls for are a form of warfare just as deadly as dropping bombs. Sanctions kill! Instead of supporting peaceful measures to reduce tensions in the Ukraine, the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists has become a cheerleader for Washington.

Roger Harris is on the board of the Task Force on the Americas, a 32-year-old anti-imperialist human rights organization.

Stalin statue erected by residents in Georgian village

 



Tuesday, February 22, 2022


No matter how hard the anti-communist and anti-Soviet propaganda tries to slander him, the name and legacy of Joseph Stalin remains respected by the majority of people in the former USSR Republics. His native Georgia couldn't be an exception.

Recently, despite the objections of local authorities, residents in the Georgian village of Varani, in Gori municipality, erected a monument dedicated to the legendary Soviet leader. 

Back in 2010, authorities dismantled Stalin's monument in Gori. Seven years later, in 2017, on the occasion of his 138th birthday, Georgian communists and workers installed a bust of "Generalissimo" in Gori's central square. 

Zaza Tsitsikashvili, a Variani villager, said the village "is mostly inhabited by people who respect Stalin", News-Georgia reported.

IN DEFENSE OF COMMUNISM © 

Tuesday, January 11, 2022

Communist Party of Venezuela (PCV): Statement on the vile and cowardly murder of our dear comrade José Urbina

 




Caracas, 11-01-2022 (COMMUNICATION). In view of the vile and cowardly murder of our dear comrade José Urbina, social activist, popular communicator and leader of the Communist Party of Venezuela (PCV) in the Parish of Codazzi, Municipality of Pedro Camejo, Apure State, which occurred this Monday night, January 10, 2022, in his house located in Puerto Páez, we send to his relatives, friends and militants of the PCV in the region, on behalf of the Political Bureau of the CC-PCV, a fraternal and solidary embrace, together with our most heartfelt condolences.

The Political Bureau of the CC-PCV denounces this vile and cowardly assassination and demands from the Venezuelan authorities immediate and exhaustive investigations to identify the intellectual and material authors, as well as possible accomplices.

Comrade José Urbina had been developing a positive political and social activity in defense of the border communities in the town of Puerto Páez, which led him to have contradictions with officials of the State security forces who even threatened his physical integrity.

Comrade José Urbina always acted openly and transparently in the defense of the interests of the people, in the promotion of the policy of the PCV among the masses and courageously denounced the arbitrariness and abuses against the communities, regardless of their origin.

We demand justice for his vile murder!

THOSE WHO DIE FOR LIFE, CONTINUE TO LIVE IN THE STRUGGLES OF THE PEOPLE!

WE WILL CONTINUE FIGHTING!

For the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Venezuela (PCV), Oscar Figuera González, General Secretary of the CC-PCV.

Caracas, January 11, 2022.

Tuesday, September 21, 2021

South African CP, Message to the COSATU Central Committee

 



As delivered by the General Secretary, Dr Blade Nzimande

Tuesday, 21 September 2021

Dear comrades,

We bring revolutionary greetings from the Central Committee and the entire membership of the SACP, during this year, our 100 years since the SACP was founded. It is indeed a centenary we are proud of—a hundred years of unbroken struggle for national liberation, women’s emancipation, and socialism. We are also proud of the fact that it has been a 100 years of building the progressive trade union movement in South Africa, and no other political party can claim such in our country!

In our centenary we say, ‘Put People Before Profit’ as our theme and a call to action for our whole working-class. We say, ‘Socialism is the Future—Build is now’.

We also wish to take this opportunity to express our sincere condolences to the families of the public servants in the healthcare, safety, and security sectors, to workers in the agricultural, food retail and other essential goods and services sectors, to mention but a few sectors, who lost their lives because of COVID-19 while serving our people. We express our heartfelt condolences to all the unions that lost their members, leaders, and staff because of COVID-19.      

Your Central Committee takes place during one of the most difficult situations facing the national democratic revolution since our April 1994 democratic breakthrough.

The jobs bloodbath and the need to drive mass empowerment

We are faced with the global COVID-19 pandemic and its economic and social impact and consequences. The pandemic has worsened pre-existing high levels of unemployment, poverty, and inequality in our country. Just in one quarter, from April to June 2020, over two million jobs were lost. Capitalist bosses mainly retrenched the affected workers. Their priority, as always, was on protecting profits. The jobs bloodbath however continued beyond the second quarter of 2020. In the face of the crisis, many workers were compelled to take wage cuts in lieu of retrenchments.

In the public sector, entities such as the SAA and the SABC retrenched workers. The SAA was first placed under business rescue. In fact, certain quarters wanted it to be liquidated altogether or wholly privatised. We had to confront that agenda, partly motivated by our centenary theme: Put People Before Profit: Socialism is the Future—Build it Now. But also, we defended the SAA and the SABC because we did not want them to become pilots for full or part privatisation. We also did this because as the SACP we strongly believe that workers’ struggles are indivisible, and that we cannot, for instance, elevate job security for workers in some sectors whilst abandoning workers in other sectors.

While we succeeded to save the SAA, so far, or for now, we lost a part of it to the so-called strategic equity partners. At SA Express, it seems a fait accompli, that those who wanted to finish off the entity through liquidation appear to have won. At Mango, workers have been battling with receiving their wage payments. We pledge our solidarity with all those workers as their interests and struggles are indivisible!

We need to continue and intensify the battle for public ownership not only in the aviation sector, but also in other key and strategic sectors of our economy. However, we need to draw lessons from our own struggles against privatisation and state capture. We went to the ANC Polokwane Conference in 2007 united on the need to fight privatisation and to keep our state-owned enterprises in the hands of the state. Yet we have subsequently discovered that some amongst us wanted those enterprises in the hands of the state so that they could facilitate their looting and not to drive a developmental agenda to advance the interest of the workers and the poor. We therefore need to clearly define the role and agenda to be pursued by SOEs! 

We also need to advance more radical forms of ownership, including co-operatives and worker ownership. This must also include fighting for a truly broad-based BEE, rather than a BEE that concentrates on advancing the interests of the small elite. Frankly, these are tasks and struggles that must be led and advanced by a close working relationship between the SACP and COSATU, and broadly the Alliance, and other progressive forces.

We also need to work together with COSATU to confront and roll back the ideological agenda that argues the private sector is the saviour, and the public sector cannot advance the interests of society, especially the workers and poor. What the private capitalist agenda conveniently ignores is the important role played by thriving public entities in a number of countries worldwide. For example, the Forbes’s 2021 Global 2000 List has the Industrial and Commercial Bank of China at the top spot, number one. This state-owned bank alone employs 434,798 workers. Number four on the list is the China Construction Bank, a state-owned bank which alone employs 347,156, while number nine is the Agricultural Bank of China, in which the Chinese Ministry of Finance owns about 40 per cent and National Social Security Fund has a stake as well. The Agricultural Bank of China alone employs 459,000 workers.

While neoliberals and their hangers-on in South Africa both in and outside the state are opposed to our call for a developmental state bank and public banking sector, the state-owned Industrial and Commercial Bank of China has acquired a stake in the order of 20,1 per cent shareholding in Standard Bank South Africa. Given the abject failure of the big banks in our country to support co-operatives and small, micro, and medium-sized enterprises, for example, more than ever before we need a developmental state bank, public banking sector, and thriving co-operative banks. With the African Bank currently owned 50 per cent by the South African Reserve Bank and 25 per cent by the Public Investment Corporation, it is surely a ready-made candidate for not just effective public ownership, but for social ownership and a strategic public interest mandate.

The idea that public ownership is inherently destined to fail is nothing but an ideological drive to advance the monopoly of private ownership control and push privatisation, a policy instrument used in many cases to facilitate the capture of public assets by private interests. The industrial scale looting of our key state-owned enterprises has, unfortunately but predictably, now become an argument for further moves towards privatisation.

We should, in contradiction, for instance, welcome the proposal for Eskom to do a debt swap for green fund financing to deal both with its crippling R400-billion-debt but, of equal importance, to enable this critical public asset to become the strategic leader in our country as our region shifts towards renewable energy production. Without such a shift, Eskom will be left with stranded assets in the face of very rapid and necessary global moves to address the dangers of unsustainable global warming. Without a public sector lead in greening our economy there will be no just transition.

We should not forget that the crisis of Eskom and other state-owned enterprises is not a result only of looting, corruption, and associated governance decay. It is also a crisis of the neoliberal policy regime that was introduced in our democratic dispensation through the imposition of GEAR in 1996. It is for these reasons, at least, that the SACP has made it clear: Neither neoliberalism nor state capture is the solution to our economic challenges. Both are problematic and must be confronted. 

By neoliberalism we include things such as the macroeconomic policy stances, fiscal as well as monetary, that deprived the publicly owned sector of adequate capitalisation and investment. We include the austerity that is suffocating our economy. It is the austere fiscal stance that underpinned problems such as the National Treasury-led refusal to honour Resolution 1 of 2018 in public service and administration bargaining. This undermined collective bargaining not only in the public sector—as capitalist bosses also saw this as an example for them to squeeze workers’ wages further and sought to weaken collective bargaining in industrial sectors.

For a long time now, we have defined the SACP and COSATU as the socialist axis in our movement, including the Alliance. We need to strengthen, rather than weaken, this perspective and approach as the basis upon which we should strive to ensure and guarantee the working-class as the leading motive force of our national democratic revolution. We call upon the Central Committee to resolve to practically strengthen this socialist axis, through a clear joint programme of economic and broader social transformation and development and building each other’s capacity.

Without closing ranks as the socialist axis, we will find it more difficult to overcome the now highest unemployment rates we face in many decades. We are faced with an unemployment rate of 34,4 per cent by the narrow definition, affecting, 7,8 million active work-seekers. Our total unemployment rate is 44,4 per cent, affecting close to 12 million active and discouraged workers, in a national population that is now approximately 60,143 million strong. Going hand in hand with unemployment is poverty, inequality, and the associated crisis of social reproduction, which is characterised by many households struggling to support life.

An even closer working relationship between the SACP and COSATU is of absolute necessity! Let us, amongst other things, resuscitate our joint political schools and joint programmes of action in defence and advancement of both the immediate and longer-term interests of the working-class!

An emergency response to the tsunami of unemployment, poverty, inequality, and the crisis of social reproduction 

We need a rapid emergency response to the structural economic crisis we face. This must include more decisively driving the COVID-19 vaccination programme to achieve population immunity and ensure an economy-wide full capacity utilisation as soon as possible.  

The SACP has called for a minimum income support structure, including grants for productive activities that people can engage in to make a living. In the same vein, to act against the crisis of social reproduction, we have joined the wide array of trade union and social movement forces in calling for the introduction of a universal basic income grant at a reasonable level. We do not need the false binary that has been drawn between a universal basic income grant and employment, between social security and economic growth.

A universal basic income grant can, and will, act as an economic stimulus not least for the millions of South Africans working in the informal and small, micro, and medium-sized enterprises sectors that have been most severely impacted by the COVID-19 crisis. The unemployed and under-employed poor, who will be the major beneficiaries of a universal basic income grant, are precisely those who live on basic food and other necessities. This is unlike the wealthy one-percenters whose savings go into off-shore speculation, and whose consumption patterns favour imports. All major international studies in basic income grants in other countries indicate important economic multiplier effects with such grants!

The current Special COVID-19 Social Relief of Distress Grant can and should be used as the basis for expanding into a universal basic income grant. This must be phased in as rapidly as possible and form part of our wider effort to build a comprehensive social security system (towards which we committed ourselves as the ANC-led Alliance in our 2019 general election manifesto). The question is not ‘Can we afford it?’ The reality is that as a country we cannot afford the current crisis-high levels of unemployment and inequality. This is simply unsustainable and poses a threat to the National Democratic Revolution. We therefore welcome the indication given by President Cyril Maphosa, here yesterday, pointing to a consideration to extend the Special COVID-19 Social Relief of Distress Grant beyond the current date that has been set to end it.

The second emergency response to the unemployment, poverty and social reproduction crises must be a significant and rapid expansion of a range of public employment programmes. The Presidential Employment Stimulus Programme, focused on community health care workers, and school assistants, underlined the possibility of rapidly scaling up on these kinds of programmes, in addition to the long-running Expanded Public Works Programme including Community Works Programmes. There are millions of South Africans who are desperately willing and able to work, and there is a wide range of work that needs to be done: maintenance of community resources and infrastructure, community safety and neighbourhood protection, environmental rehabilitation to build resilience, community food gardens, school sports coaching, early childhood care, and much more. All these require public employment intervention as the private sector is incapable of providing for these.

Another key challenge of our revolution is that of confronting and defeating the scourge of gender-based violence. But an integral platform for both men and women to fight this is to intensify the struggles for gender equality, whilst strengthening women organisation, especially working-class women. Organised workers in general, and COSATU in particular, have a duty to promote women organisation both inside their ranks as well as in many other sectors where working-class women are—stokvels, burial societies, the churches, school governing bodies and in many other such sites. The struggle for gender equality must be streamlined in every effort, not to mention the imperative to overcome the capitalist system crises of unemployment, poverty, inequality, and social reproduction, and the goal of the necessity to overcome the exploitative system itself.  

Organisation of women and intensification of struggles for gender equality is also important because it is women who bear the brunt of the structural crisis in our economy. They are poorly paid and are often the first to be retrenched when capitalism hits moments of its crises. In line with the persisting legacy of colonialism of a special type, black/African women are the worst affected.

It is crucial to intensify our struggle to end racism and racial inequality in our society. The persisting legacy of colonial and apartheid capitalist inequality, including uneven development and under-development, remains articulated along racial lines. This is the context in which the crisis-high levels of unemployment, poverty, and inequality, as well as the crisis of social reproduction, continue to affect the black/African population the worst. Redressing the racial imbalances created under colonial and apartheid oppression and now reproduced daily by the capitalist market must find profound expression in our efforts to achieve structural transformation, towards completing the National Democratic Revolution and a socialist transition.   

Structural transformation

The two urgent interventions—a universal basic income grant and public employment programmes—are, themselves, not silver bullets. They need to be part and parcel of a broader systemic and structural transformation of our economy. This means that our macro economic indicators must be premised on fighting unemployment, especially youth unemployment and privilege these considerations rather than narrowly focusing on inflation targeting. 

The affordability of critically required interventions should not swing narrowly or entirely around taxation. Certainly, strategic taxation needs to be part of any public sector armoury, not least in the context of the huge windfall profits by mobile network and pharmaceutical companies in the midst of the pandemic.

However, there is a range of other interventions that need to be used to deal with our economic crises. The South African Reserve Bank should purchase primary state bonds rather than these being passed on to the private banking sector as a profit-making indulgence. Investment of these bonds should be ring-fenced and tightly monitored to ensure their productive use for key infrastructure build programmes, for instance.

Instead of the generalising idea that South Africa has good policies and what it needs is only to implement them, we need to join forces to achieve policy change in a number of areas where these are required. We urge COSATU and other worker formations to not go with that idea, which may at the end of the day prove to be useful for conserving the neoliberal substance we are yet to overcome in our policy terrain. We need to strengthen our unity of purpose as the socialist axis and strive for policy changes where they are required to achieve a breakthrough against the triple challenges.

That means other integral parts of a systemic economic response to our all-round crisis, needs to include a shift in macroeconomic, trade and industrial policy framework. This must prioritise the development of our national productive capacity, through adequate support for innovation, research, and skills development, geared to support industrialisation. We need a well-resourced, high employment creating impact trade and industrial policy to take the centre stage. This means we need to review the employment impact of all our sectoral master plans, and others, to strengthen them. This must include a major focus on skills development programmes, opening the workplace as a training space to massify workplace learning and training.

Critical co-ordination of the initiatives we need to advance, particularly through the District Development Model, should include a focus to systematically eliminate uneven development, with a strong focus on rural development as a key priority.

We have argued many times for the things just outlined. It is time now that we are just not satisfied with these as resolutions, but to come up with a concrete programme of action to campaign for the realisation of these, including intensive engagement in the battle of ideas. Again, this Central Committee is being called upon to come up with such concrete programmes and campaigns. No one will take up the fight for the working-class except the working-class itself!

Reconfiguration of the Alliance and building strong organisation

Above all, there can be no social revolution without revolutionary organisation. We need to strengthen our efforts to reconfigure the Alliance. As the COSATU Secretariat Report to this Central Committee states, Alliance relations at the national level have improved, but we still have a long way to go to achieve complete reconfiguration both at the national levels and equally importantly at sub-national levels. Our conception of Alliance reconfiguration is however not a narrow electoralist one, notwithstanding the importance of building a successful Alliance electoral campaign and platform. Neither is it a tactical manoeuvre. Alliance reconfiguration is a strategic organisational, political, and ideological imperative to rebuild and strengthen our movement to be capable of moving the National Democratic Revolution into a second radical phase of our transition.

When we discussed the important question of state power at our SACP 14th National Congress and the 4th Special National Congress, we agreed that engagements with worker formations, first and foremost with our ally, COSATU, were an apex priority. Why? Unlike other political organisations, the SACP is not a party merely for its members and leaders but a Marxist-Leninist, working-class party. Every step that the SACP takes as a Marxist-Leninist, working-class party must be with and for the workers and poor as a class.    

Besides the questions of state power and Alliance reconfiguration, we resolved to build wider worker unity and a popular Left front. These are all interrelated strategic considerations. Those who compartmentalised the state power debate to mean that the SACP will be in competition with COSATU, and the ANC fail to understand the issue of state power correctly. We would like to suggest: Let our first few resuscitated joint political schools deal with this matter.

By the state and state power our understanding correctly includes the question of electoral strategy and tactics, but it goes far beyond that. It includes all the branches of the state and the entire forest of its organisation, establishments, institutions, agencies, and at all spheres, and the legal doctrine that guides them, to mention but a few elements. It is comprehensive on what the state is and where it derives its power. We include in this the many authorities, to name but a few, such as judicial officers, other office bearers in state authority, organs of state supporting our constitutional democracy, and other state officials, officers, the whole army of people who did not stand for elections but are entrusted with and exercise decisive state power.  

We cannot overemphasise the importance of building our unity as the socialist axis within our movement and wider working-class unity to drive the National Democratic Revolution towards socialist transition. We need to pursue a strategic framework, not least in the policy space, that accords with our nature and character as the socialist axis. This is what must guide the minute details that we must push.  

Among others, we need to bolster our efforts to strengthen our trade union movement in the industrial sectors. At the same time, we need to deepen the hegemony of our trade union movement in public service and administration and grow it further. As the SACP, we need a strong COSATU on all fronts.

But overall, both the SACP and COSATU have a duty to build and defend the unity of the ANC. This must be foremost in our minds as we campaign for an overwhelming ANC electoral victory on 1 November!

On the internationalist front, we call upon COSATU and all other progressive forces to unite to defend the Cuban revolution, which is facing one of its most challenging periods since the victory of that revolution in January 1959. We condemn the continuing criminal embargo by the United States and we call for its immediate lifting. We urge COSATU to join all other forces to provide emergency concrete support to Cuba at this point in time.

Amandla!

Sunday, September 5, 2021

Comrade Hannan Mollah, General Secretary of AIKS addressing the Mammoth Kisan Mahapanchayat at Muzaffarnagar






Mammoth SKM Kisan Mahapanchayat of lakhs of farmers has begun today September 5 at Muzaffarnagar, Uttar Pradesh. Farmers from Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Punjab, Haryana, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and several other states in India are attending this huge rally, which will inaugurate Mission UP-Uttarakhand and give a clarion call to observe a massive Bharat Bandh on September 27. 

Friday, August 6, 2021

Black Alliance for Peace tribute to Glen Ford



 Black Agenda Report

Glen Ford carried on his devotion to the liberation struggle until the end of his life.

It's easy to run with the herd, especially when it can bring possible career advancements and even significant monetary gain. That is why, for so many, making decisions to find a way into the mix, to play the game in order to advance one’s individual objectives, does not present any internal moral debate. It is just common sense.

But for the oppressed and their radical intellectuals and activists, accommodationism is not an option without surrendering one’s soul. Glen Ford and many of our generation refused to do that.

Glen made the decision to devote himself to being a truth teller on the side of the people back in the 1970s, at a historic moment when it was very easy to be an opportunist. Co-optation, an aspect of the state’s counter-revolutionary response to the new forms of Black radicalism that emerged in the 1960s, was an important element in the state’s repertoire. That along with, of course, systemic repression.

But Glen made a conscious decision to take, as Kwame Nkrumah framed it, a “revolutionary path.” That path is always more difficult, for not many take it. As a result, the path is quite narrow, no more than a trail through the forest of normalized reaction projected to the masses as supposed “common sense.” When one takes that path, very few accolades nor real economic stability, retirement funds or clear paths forward are available.

It might end with one laying in a hospital bed for two weeks, while furiously pounding out two issues of Black Agenda Report, suspecting they may be the last few you will have a hand in shaping and passing quietly on the morning the next issue was due to come out.

When I spoke with Glen a few weeks ago, before he entered the hospital, I intended to talk him into relinquishing some of his responsibilities with BAR, so he could concentrate on trying to extend his stay on this planet and with us. Yet, in the course of our comical banter about morality and the meaning of our lives—a discussion that can only happen when you know you are rapidly approaching the end of your journey—I never raised the issue of stepping back a little because Glen made it quite clear how he wanted to depart this earth. “Ajamu, I am going out struggling.” For him, BAR was his most significant contribution to the “struggle.” Even though he was not healthy, Glen was proud of the work the BAR team had developed and he was satisfied it was continuing.

I spoke with him again about a week later to give him another lame excuse as to why I wasn’t going to get an article to him that week. Unbeknownst to me, he had already been a week into his hospital stay. But he assured me he had been there before. Glen sounded good, so I didn’t really take note. Plus, BAR had come out and I had no reason to believe anything was out of the ordinary. 

So, I was floored when, a week later, I got a text message from his daughter, Tonya. When I called back, I was somewhat relieved when she shared that he was still with us, even if he was not doing well. But two days later, he was gone.

Glen’s transition to an ancestor has left a huge hole in our movement, not to mention in the hearts of so many of us. He was the last of a kind. Someone who loved his people, who loved life and had enormous hope for the future. He said to me in our final conversation how happy he was to have lived long enough to bookend his life, starting with the uprisings of the 1960s that developed our belief that we could win, not yet realizing what the state and the system had in store for us to sustain itself. The other bookend brings us to today, where it has become absolutely clear we are seeing the end of global white supremacy and that he and BAR have been playing a role in bringing us closer to that conclusion every day.

The way we honor Glen and Abdusshahid “Baba” Luqman, another valued member of our community and beloved member of the Black Alliance for Peace, is to intensify our resistance. To re-dedicate ourselves to ending the organized barbarity that is the ongoing criminal enterprise known as the United States of America and its European colonial allies.

For Glen, we will continue to tell the truth, to engage without fear in the ideological battle for our people, and to build the structures that will lead us to the new world we must build.

Ashé, Brother Glen and Brother Luqman. Know that as long as we are also on this planet—and in opposition—there will be no compromise and no retreat of our forces.

 

Ajamu Baraka is the national organizer of the Black Alliance for Peace and was the 2016 candidate for vice president on the Green Party ticket. Baraka serves on the Executive Committee of the U.S. Peace Council and leadership body of the United National Anti-War Coalition (UNAC) and the steering committee of the Black is Back Coalition He is an editor and contributing columnist for the Black Agenda Report. He was awarded the US Peace Memorial 2019 Peace Prize and the Serena Shirm award for uncompromised integrity in journalism.   

Monday, May 17, 2021

South African CP, Common declaration of the Communist and Workers Parties condemning the continued Bloodshed and Occupation by Israel

 



We, the communist and workers parties undersigning this statement, strongly and unequivocally condemn the Israeli aggression meted out against Palestinians in Jerusalem - as well as the continued military bombardment upon Gaza which has resulted in the killing of scores of Palestinian civilians and the maiming of hundreds more, among them children.

Israel’s brazen violation of international humanitarian law and international law has continued for decades now, aided and abetted with the full support of imperialist forces, and without any meaningful intervention from international institutions to bring these violations to an end or outwardly condemn them.

We demand:

·        An immediate cessation to the bombardment and besieging of Gaza;

·        An end to the attacks and violations against Palestinians exercising their rights in and around the Al Aqsa Mosque site and all other holy sites;

·        A stop to the relentless attacks and intimidation against Palestinian residents in East Jerusalem by the Israeli authorities and settlers, namely the latter’s attempts to evict families from the Sheikh Jarrah neighbourhood as part of a continued campaign of ethnic cleansing.

We express our full and unwavering solidarity with the just struggle of the Palestinian people to end the occupation and towards the establishing of an independent state, within the recognised borders as they stood on June 4th 1967, with East Jerusalem as its capital, and the right of return for all Palestinian refugees according to the relevant UN resolutions.

We call on all progressive and peace-loving people to raise their voice and join this appeal.


South African Communist Party